50 years on, Australia still schtum on aiding the violent Pinochet coup in Chile

By RODRIGO ACUÑA

11 September 2023

Crikey.

Today marks 50 years since the Washington-backed junta headed by general Augusto Pinochet violently overthrew Chile’s democratically elected socialist government of Salvador Allende in 1973. In recent years, I have been repeatedly asked by a few Australian journalists and politicians one question: is there anything new to report on Canberra’s connection to the coup in Chile?

For those unfamiliar as to why such a question would be asked, in 2017 University of New South Wales professor of politics Clinton Fernandes, together with barrister Ian Latham and solicitor Hugh Macken, took action to declassify early-1970s reports of the Australian Secret Intelligence Service (ASIS) station in Santiago, Chile — which assisted the CIA’s destabilisation of the Chilean government ahead of the military coup against Salvador.

On June 2 2021, the Coalition released the Australian government’s Santiago station reports to Fernandes and his lawyers. These documents — unlike previous evidence gathered by journalists Brian Toohey and William Pinwill in Oyster: The Story of The Australian Secret Intelligence Service — revealed technical information about the activities of ASIS in Chile, including communication delays, station vehicle deliveries, agent lodging and observations such as “fluent knowledge of Spanish in SANTIAGO is a necessity”.

While these revelations conclusively confirmed Canberra’s role in supporting Allende’s ousting, the partially successful declassification of ASIS files was short-lived. 

On November 1 2021, the Administrative Appeals Tribunal handed down a ruling indicating that its full release of documents regarding ASIS operations in Chile between 1971 and 1974, plus records about the violent overthrow of the Popular Unity administration, would “cause damage to the security, defence or international relations of the Commonwealth”.

“It shows that the Australian government fears the people who elect it,” Fernandes said when asked about this ruling. He added that Canberra knows “Australians would never tolerate such contemptible acts if they knew what these agencies were up to. The secrecy protects policymakers from democratic scrutiny and accountability, but this is not national security in any meaningful sense”.

Writing in The Nation last month, Peter Kornbluh, a senior analyst at the National Security Archive at George Washington University, stated:

Both the CIA and the ASIS continue to hide operational records that include numerous intelligence reports from the Australian covert operatives to their CIA counterparts on meetings with Chilean assets embedded within the armed forces, the newspaper El Mercurio — a recipient of CIA funding — and the Christian Democratic party, among other key CIA-connected organizations in Chile.

Kornbluh’s analysis is important because declassifying ASIS files could deeply embarrass Canberra, especially since one ASIS agent is alleged to have remained in Chile after the coup in September, when it would have been impossible not to have witnessed the junta’s reign of terror — or, worse as a foreign agent, aided it.  

Here in Sydney, after the ASIS reports were made public, I wrote to then-minister Marise Payne at the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT), requesting the full declassification of its files on Chile, as well as an apology from Canberra to the Chilean Australian community for intervening in the internal affairs of a sovereign democratic state.

While the first letter (September 17 2021) was co-signed by more than 60 Chilean Australians, the second correspondence (November 9 2021) was supported by 269 people, many of whom had been arrested, brutally tortured or subjected to political persecution under Chilean dictatorship. To date, DFAT has only replied to the first letter, arguing that since the issue of declassifying ASIS’ Santiago station reports was still a matter being heard at the AAT, it was not able to comment.

Another matter of interest to the local community is the request by Chile’s Supreme Court to extradite former Sydney nanny Adriana Rivas, an ex-member of Pinochet’s notorious Dirección de Inteligencia Nacional (Directorate of National Intelligence, or DINA).

Rivas, currently in a Sydney women’s prison since her arrest in February 2019, is awaiting extradition to Chile where she stands accused of kidnapping and torture offences against seven members of the Chilean Communist Party. Among her alleged victims was a young woman named Reinalda Pereira who was six months pregnant at the time of her disappearance.

Rivas’ presence in Australia, where she has lived since 1978, could be embarrassing for Canberra. Lawyer Adriana Navarro of Navarro Associates, who represents the families of Rivas’ alleged victims in Chile as a legal observer here in Sydney, notes:

Rivas was an operative agent of the DINA and trained with them in intelligence at Tejas Verdes barracks. Her official title was as a secretary, but she worked for the Lautaro Brigade under instructions from major Juan Morales Salgado, who worked for Manuel Contreras. She provided security to Contreras and his family, and to Pinochet when he travelled overseas.

During Pinochet’s reign, Manuel Contreras led the DINA and was the second-most powerful man in Chile. Contreras died in 2015 while serving a prison sentence of more than 500 years for crimes against humanity, including the kidnapping, forced disappearance and assassination of Pinochet’s opponents.

On September 4 2023, Navarro Associates sent a strongly worded letter to Attorney-General Mark Dreyfus, questioning why Rivas’ extradition to Chile has not proceeded despite “more than 15 months [elapsing] since Ms Rivas exhausted all judicial avenues to stop this extradition”.

When asked how an intelligence agent like Rivas could originally have entered Australia, Fernandes said: “While there may be a benign explanation, the affair cries out for answers.”

“Were people like her given special preference over the victims of torture, and was she protected by the intelligence agencies in the past?”

Back in Chile, the events of the September 11 coup continue to have relevance. Late last month, retired brigadier Hernán Chacón Soto was sentenced to “15 years for aggravated homicide and 10 years for aggravated kidnapping” for his role in the murder of the popular singer-songwriter Víctor Jara. But before being transferred to prison, Soto, like many other retired colonels and generals who worked for Pinochet and faced incarceration, took his own life.

Here in Australia, to mark 50 years since the coup d’état, members of the Chilean Australian community have organised public events at the Parliament of New South Wales, the Victoria Trades Hall, the University of Sydney and the Salvador Allende Memorial, which can be found at Fairfield Park in western Sydney. Events in Adelaide, Brisbane and Perth will also be held.

At these locations, we will remember how the brutal overthrow of Allende resulted in “about 4000 cases of death or disappearance by the [Pinochet] regime, between 150,000 and 200,000 cases of political detention, and approximately 100,000 credible cases of torture”, as noted by Fernandes.

We will also continue to wait for Canberra to further declassify ASIS records and to apologise for the destruction of democracy in our homeland of origin.

Posted on April 16, 2024 .

Protests Continue in Peru as Newly Installed Government Cracks Down After Coup

By Rodrigo Acuña

TRUTHOUT

23 December 2022

On December 7, a soft coup took place in Peru involving the impeachment of the country’s President Pedro Castillo by the right-wing national Congress and his arrest by local police in Lima. Since then, the nation has exploded into massive protests followed by serious repression by government authorities. As of December 21, some 26 people have been killed and up to 500 protesters and security forces injured due to the violence while key roads throughout the country have been blocked. With five airports forced to close due to demonstrations, Peru’s Defense Minister Luis Alberto Otárola has declared a 30-day state of emergency, deploying the army throughout the Andean nation.

In Peru’s southern city of Ayacucho, seven protesters were killed by the military in just one day. More recently, two ministers from the new government headed by former Vice President Dina Boluarte have resigned: Education Minister Patricia Correa and Culture Minister Jair Pérez Brañez. Correa wrote on Twitter that she renounced her ministry because the “death of compatriots has no justification. State violence cannot be disproportionate and cause death.”

In a video circulating on social media, a Peruvian colonel, Guilmar Trujillo Lafitte, has apparently come out rejecting the state of emergency “that prevents the free expression of popular discontent in the face of the lack of legitimacy of the congress of the republic as well as Mrs. Dina Boluarte.” The colonel calls for new elections as well as the resignations of Peru’s minister of defense and the minister of interior — traditionally among the most powerful ministries in Latin American countries, given these positions are in charge of domestic security.

For many observers of Latin American politics, Castillo’s downfall could have been predicted long ago. Having won the June 2021 presidential election by a margin of just 44,000 votes out of nearly 19 million cast, Castillo, a former rural school teacher, only narrowly defeated his hard-right opponent Keiko Fujimori, daughter of the ex-dictator Alberto Fujimori. While Castillo’s leftist Free Peru Party was the largest in the country’s incoming Congress with 37 seats, his new government still faced a hostile far right majority headed by 24 members of Fujimori’s Popular Force, the second-largest party.

Using its power almost immediately, 15 days after Castillo’s appointment Congress and the Navy managed to pressure Foreign Relations Minister Héctor Béjar — a respected left-wing academic and intellectual — to resign based on his previous assertion that the use of terrorism in the country was first implemented in 1974 by Peru’s Navy, six years before the appearance of the bloody Maoist guerrilla group Shining Path in 1980.

While Béjar’s assertion is not conclusively supported by research, as government authorities’ involvement in state terror is predominantly documented from 1975 onward, discussions around Peru’s internal conflict from 1980 to 2000, between a right-wing U.S.-backed state and the Shining Path guerrillas and the Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA), are highly controversial throughout society. In 2003 a Truth and Reconciliation Commission found that 69,280 people died or were disappeared in the conflict, with 46 percent of deaths attributed to the Shining Path and 30 percent to state agents. While Alberto Fujimori has long taken credit for defeating the guerrilla movements in Peru, in 2009 he was sentenced to 25 years prison for human rights crimes. Since then, his daughter Keiko has vigorously campaigned for his release and harshly attacked figures like Béjar who may try and point out the complexities of the conflict and critique the role of state forces.

Writing on Castillo’s fall, Latin American scholar Francisco Dominguez, a senior lecturer at Middlesex University, has recently noted: “Congress’ harassment aimed at preventing Castillo’s government from even functioning can be verified with numbers: in the 495 days he lasted in office, Castillo was forced to appoint a total of 78 ministers.” These appointments predominantly occurred due to Castillo capitulating to pressures that a right-wing Congress, the business community and the media placed on his original ministerial appointments as well as due to the infighting, fracturing and corruption that took place within his own party ranks.

Speaking to Truthout, Martin Scurrah, a retired Flinders University lecturer and expert on Peru, observed that for his part, “Castillo had limited political experience, mainly as leader of a teachers’ strike.” In fact, the former educator was not even a member of the political party whose banner he ran and won under in the 2021 presidential election. Scurrah adds: “In addition to the ceaseless opposition in congress and the media, Castillo proved to be inept and incompetent as president, unable to convert the support from teachers and people in rural areas, especially from the south of the country, into a coalition of support to enable him to govern.”

Furthermore, according to Scurrah, while Castillo was “unable to carry out any of the [structural] reforms he espoused in his political campaign, symbolically he represented and stood for the poor and marginalized, especially from rural areas, and in many specific decisions by his ministers did defend the rights of the poor.”

Speaking to Democracy Now!, Javier Puente, an associate professor and chair of Latin American and Latino studies at Smith College, noted Castillo’s “evangelical orientation,” which, in his opinion, “made him really socially conservative.” In addition, for Puente, the fact that Castillo was a former rondero campesino militia member is problematic, as ronderos “continue to be a form of paramilitarism” that “should come under scrutiny.” (Campesino militias played a large role in the civil war in Peru between 1980 and 2000.)

Taking the complexity of Castillo’s record into account, on December 7, Castillo gambled his presidency by attempting to shut down Congress using Article 134, which is allowed in cases of obstructionism by Congress. “Castillo’s decision to dissolve Congress was not supported or even known to his cabinet or most of his advisers, all of whom were convinced that the third attempt to impeach him did not have sufficient votes to be successful,” said Scurrah. “Thus, it seems to have been a personal, desperate decision supported by a very small group.”

According to Peruvian sociologist Eduardo González Cueva, while Castillo could be accused of an “attempted” coup, albeit tentative, what Congress then did was “a real coup.”

Following events as they developed, Zoila Acosta, a general practioner of medicine in the district of Lima, told Truthout that when Castillo left the presidential palace, he was heading to the Mexican embassy; however, “a special assault force was already waiting for him along the way” where “they stopped the vehicle, and the police diverted the presidential car to the prefecture where it was detained.”

“Now,” says Acosta, a “witch hunt” has already begun as authorities “want to imprison all of Castillo’s collaborators.” She notes that the Mexican ambassador to Peru has been given 72 hours to leave the country while a police squat team has surrounded the Mexican embassy in Lima.

With the exception of Brazil and Chile, Castillo’s removal has been condemned by numerous governments across Latin America, including those of Mexico, Argentina, Bolivia, Venezuela, Honduras and Colombia. The day after the Castillo’s removal, Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador claimed the former president called him to say he was on his way to the Mexican embassy in Lima to request asylum. Rejecting Castillo’s overthrow, López Obrador harshly critiqued Castillo’s treatment by the “political and economic elites” of Peru. On December 15, in a meeting in Havana, Cuba, of the leftist bloc known as the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas (ALBA), 10 member countries — including Cuba, Venezuela, Bolivia, Nicaragua and several smaller Caribbean Island states — condemned Castillo’s overthrow.

The reaction to these developments in Peru has been quite different in Washington, as the Biden administration quickly recognized the new regime in Lima. With the United States’ Ambassador to Peru Lisa Kenna rejecting Castillo’s attempt to close Congress, by December 8, the U.S. State Department declared that: “The United States welcomes President Boluarte and hopes to work with her administration to achieve a more democratic, prosperous, and secure region.”

Asked about the White House’s position, Dominguez told Truthout, “It has been reported that U.S. ambassador to Peru (a ‘former’ CIA agent), Lisa Kenna, not only met Peru’s minister of defense one day before the coup, but on the day when Castillo made the TV appearance to close Congress, etc., she issued an immediate note (on behalf of the U.S.) condemning Castillo’s statement and demanded Peru’s Congress was ‘allowed to fulfil its mandate’ which was to oust President Castillo.”

“Protests continue across the country, and road blockades of key highways and roads in the rural [areas] are still in effect. With the passing of the days, the repression, and the attitude of Dina Boluarte, the media and the Congress, the anger and indignation of the people only grows,” Zoe Alexandra, who is currently in Lima working for Peoples Dispatch, told Truthout. “Key demands include the immediate release and restitution of Pedro Castillo, the resignation of Dina Boluarte, the dissolution of the Congress, the installation of a Constituent Assembly, and justice for the 25+ fatal victims of police repression and the hundred injured and trial for those that have ordered this repression.”

Whether Boluarte’s U.S.-backed administration survives this crisis remains to be seen. In the last six years, Peru has had seven presidents, and polls indicate support for Congress is extremely low among voters. With Congress recently rejecting Boluarte’s request for constitutional reform but allowing for new elections to take place in early 2024, a rapid end to the current crisis appears unlikely.

Posted on April 16, 2024 .

CHILE: DISMANTLING THE DICTATORSHIP

RODRIGO ACUÑA

16 MAY 2022

ARENA

AUSTRALIA’S ROLE IN THE 1973 COUP AND THE RETURN TO REFORM IN SANTIAGO

FROM AUSTRALIA WITH LOVE

In his biography The Price of Power: Kissinger in the Nixon White House, investigative journalist Seymour Hersh writes a passage concerning Australia. In their aim to overthrow the administration of Chile’s President Salvador Allende, by late 1971 the CIA was in Santiago ‘collecting the kind of information that would be essential for a military dictatorship in the days following a coup—lists of civilians to be arrested, those to be provided with protection, and government installations to be occupied immediately’. Hersh notes that since it was aware its activities were being watched by the new administration, the CIA put a formal request to Australian prime minister William McMahon to send Australian Secret Intelligence Service (ASIS) agents to Santiago. Commenting on the request, ASIS noted ‘there was no vital Australian political or economic interest in Chile at the time’. However, the Secretary of the Department of Foreign Affairs, Sir Keith Waller, viewed the request favourably and Canberra conceded, sending three agents to the Chilean capital. 

Whether the ASIS agents participated in identifying progressive Chileans to be arrested after the Popular Unity (UP) government was overthrown by General Augusto Pinochet on 11 September 1973 remains unknown, but by October the following year, journalist Ian Frykberg had published an article in The Sydney Morning Herald on the matter. There, citing two ex-intelligence agents, he claimed that ASIS agents were working with the CIA ‘acting as the conduit for money passing from the CIA to newspapers and individuals leaking propaganda information to newspapers and other influential people’. After running this story, the paper’s editor Brian Johns assigned journalist Hamish McDonald to look into it further. Years later, however, McDonald recalled:

I was told by our managing editor, Graham Wilkinson, that the deputy head of ASIS had rang out and said ‘Please, call it off, this is not in the national interest’…I did call the ambassador who had been in Santiago at that time…Deschamps, and asked him if he had any comment on the allegations and his reply was simply ‘What on earth do you expect me to say?’

McDonald’s comments, made in 2015, were to SBS journalist Florencia Melgar, who eventually broke the international story that former Pinochet intelligence agent Adriana Rivas was wanted by Interpol for kidnapping and disappearing seven members of the Chilean Communist Party—and was living in Sydney. Melgar made a formal request to the Australian government to investigate ASIS’s early-1970s activities in Chile, but not only was her request turned down, she was ‘warned’ she ‘risked legal prosecution’ if she published certain material on ASIS obtained through Chile’s Foreign Affairs official records. 

Melgar, like the reporters at The Sydney Morning Herald, is one of several journalists who have attempted to go down the rabbit hole of trying to uncover Canberra’s collaboration with Washington in creating a coup climate to destabilise Allende. In November 1988, when an unfinished manuscript of Brian Toohey and William Pinwill’s book Oyster: The Story of the Australian Secret Intelligence Service fell into the hands of the Australian government, the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade ‘took action in the Federal Court which effectively prevented the publication by us of any material about ASIS which had not been vetted by the government’, as the authors commented in a note to their work. Years later, writing on Toohey and Pinwill’s study, Melgar and researcher Pablo Leighton noted that while the book had a ‘reliable record of Robert Hope’s report on Chile’s case, which summarises the findings of the Royal Commission on Security and Intelligence (1974–77)’, the ‘relevant information about the operation in Chile’ was blacked out.  

In mid-2021 an important breakthrough occurred when Clinton Fernandes, former Australian Army intelligence officer and now a professor of politics at the University of New South Wales, sought to have ASIS’s 2017 station reports from Chile declassified. On 2 June 2021, despite ongoing resistance, the Australian government conceded, handing over various heavily redacted ASIS reports that finally confirm Canberra’s role in supporting the overthrow of a democratically elected government in South America in 1973. While this important revelation drew some attention in the Australian media, these ASIS files reveal mainly technical information about ASIS activities in Chile. 

SUB-IMPERIALISM VERSUS THE REBEL STATE

The geopolitical contrast between Australia and Chile in the early 1970s could not have been greater. According to Fernandes, ‘Australia is a sub-imperial state’ as ‘its geo-strategic tradition from the earliest days is to fit into the global strategy of a Great Power’. Having benefited from Great Britain’s exploitation of India, which saw large sums of British capital invested in Australia, Canberra eventually ‘acquired its own neo-colonies of Papua New Guinea and Nauru and a combined military-economic area of influence that extended to Fiji, the Solomon Islands and Vanuatu’. With the decline of British power, Australia ‘aligned itself with the United States while retaining its geo-strategic tradition’. While Canberra, in theory, could have declined the CIA’s request to become involved in Chile in the autumn of 1970, such a course of action would hardly have been viewed favourably by the Nixon administration.

Across the Pacific Ocean, Chile had long been a subservient actor within the US sphere of influence. Diplomatically, occasionally Santiago would disagree with Washington. In 1962, at a meeting of the Organisation of American States (OAS) at Punta del Este, Uruguay, the Chilean delegation differed with President John F. Kennedy on imposing sanctions on the new revolutionary government in Havana and abstained from voting to expel Cuba from the OAS. But with four US companies controlling 80 to 90 per cent of Chile’s large-scale mining from the 1920s until the late 1960s, Santiago’s occasional discord with Washington was the exception. By 1970, even after the Christian Democratic president Eduardo Frei Montalva nationalised 51 per cent of Chile’s three largest mines, according to one expert, ‘foreign investors still controlled a quarter of Chilean industry’. 

When Allende took office in November 1970, after winning by a small electoral minority that needed his presidency to be ratified by Chile’s congress, a political earthquake took place at the White House. Two days after Allende’s inauguration, President Richard Nixon summoned his entire National Security Council (NSC). ‘We want to do it right and bring him down’, said Secretary of State William Rogers at the 6 November 1970 NSC meeting. Nixon himself added: ‘Our main concern in Chile is the prospect that he [Allende] can consolidate himself and the picture projected to the world will be his success’. As recorded in notes taken by CIA director Richard Helms at an earlier meeting with Nixon, the president had issued a directive to ‘make the [Chilean] economy scream’, indicating that over US$10 million was available to overthrow Allende.   

Allende’s socialism was via a constitutional path, and was a form of economic nationalism, but it was extremely unwelcome to the United States for precisely that reason. As Nixon stressed in the 6 November meeting, Allende’s reforms posed an ideological challenge. Their success could provide a model for other countries. In the words of the NSC, the United States had to ‘maintain and fortify the special relationship’. Any inability to do so would indicate ‘a failure of our capacity and responsibility as a great power’. If the United States could not maintain its system in the western hemisphere, it could not expect to be able ‘to achieve a successful order elsewhere in the world’.

The direction Allende’s government would take was no secret to analysts at the US State Department. As a senator representing the Socialist Party of Chile, Allende had arrived in Havana only a few days after Fidel Castro and the 26th of July Movement overthrew US-backed Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista in January 1959. In Bolivia, in 1967, when Comandante Ernesto ‘Ché’ Guevarra attempted to overthrow another US-backed dictator, Allende’s support went beyond eloquent speeches, obtaining safe passage through Chile for the few surviving guerrillas after the Argentine-Cuban rebel was captured and executed with the aid of US military advisers in October that year. 

When the Revolutionary Left Movement (MIR) refused to join Allende’s broad leftist coalition because they viewed it as not revolutionary enough, the ‘golden wrist’, as he was known for his outstanding abilities to negotiate, nevertheless supported them with Cuban military and intelligence training so they could integrate themselves into his personal security team. Known as the Group of Personal Friends (GAP), these young men were the ones who stayed and died with Allende defending the presidential palace La Moneda as it was engulfed in flames after the Chilean air force bombed it on 11 September 1973.

According to one Soviet analyst, Allende was not a ‘down to earth person’ but rather ‘idealistically minded, motivated by noble ideas and easily persuaded to do things which were not reasonable, economically or politically, and to take gambles, which he lost. But no one ever actually doubted his honest intentions as a person and his integrity as a politician’. Worse for Washington, since the Chilean Left, with the exception of the Communist Party, did not adhere to any program inspired by Moscow but rather sought to push forward a broadly left agenda for Latin America, the United States could not label Allende a puppet of the Soviet Union.   

Once in office, the UP administration moved Chile towards what the Argentine thinker Carlos Escudé would categorise as a ‘rebel state’, a term that applies when a small Third World country chooses to ‘be part of the anarchical system of the Great Powers by challenging the right of the Great Powers to dominate’. Nationalising the copper industry completely, the UP offered compensation to US companies based on the number of years they had spent and profits they had made in Chile and what they thought was an appropriate figure. According to historians Simon Collier and William F. Sater in A History of Chile, 1808–2002:

From the beginning, the new government strove hard to fulfil its program. It greatly increased social spending, and made a determined effort to redistribute wealth to the lower-paid and the poor. As a consequence of higher wages and new initiatives in health and nutrition, many poorer Chileans, perhaps for the first time in their lives, ate well and clothed themselves somewhat better than before.

Nationalising public utilities, non-foreign banks and a number of basic industries, the UP administration also froze prices on goods and rents while providing credits to small and medium-size businesses. In Allende’s Chile, children received free milk in schools, while hospitals were ordered not to turn away those who could not pay for their own medical attention. In 1972, when a CIA-funded national strike by over 40,000 truck drivers took place, aimed at damaging the UP, the administration relied on a telex network to determine which roads were accessible in order to coordinate the allocation of crucial resources and maintain factory production. Created for Project Cybersyn, a collaboration between the Allende government and a British consulting film, the project endeavoured to provide the administration with real-time information on the country’s production. Decades later Project Cybersyn would be viewed by many as one of the forerunners of the internet. 

In foreign policy, according to Victor Figueroa Clark, the UP was ‘revolutionary in that it proposed a sea change in Chile’s relations with the rest of the world’. ‘Chile’, he notes, ‘would no longer accept a subordinate place within an international system dominated by the United States, and would no longer accept the primacy of foreign interests’. Following this principle, Chile immediately established full diplomatic contacts with Cuba while also creating new relations with countries in Africa and Asia and the socialist bloc, and becoming a member of the Non-Aligned Movement. This was certainly not welcomed by Washington. The Americans sought to undermine the Non-Aligned Movement, contesting political change in the developing world generally by resisting calls for a New Economic International Order and destabilising various countries, encouraging military coups in Brazil (1964), Indonesia (1965), Bolivia (1971), Uruguay (1973), Chile (1973) and Argentina (1976).

Within South America, Santiago continued to support the economic integration agreement known as the Andean Pact, signed by the governments of Chile, Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador and Colombia. Resolving a border dispute with Argentina, prior to the 1971 coup in Bolivia, according to historian Jorge Magasich, Allende ‘negotiated reestablishment of diplomatic relations with La Paz, taking a favourable approach to Bolivia’s demand for access to the Pacific. At the same time, Chile granted asylum to thousands of political exiles from the countries of the Latin American dictatorships’. In April 1972 Chile hosted the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) in Santiago. There Allende warned that UNCTAD needed to be defended as the United States, Japan and the European Economic Community were removing barriers to free trade through the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (the forerunner of the World Trade Organization), which ‘at one stroke [would] wipe out the advantages that the system of generalised preferences contributes to the developing countries’.

On 11 September 1973, having strangled the Chilean economy, local elites and the Nixon administration succeeded in persuading enough members of the Chilean military to carry out a violent coup that would see General Augusto Pinochet in power until 1990. As thousands of Chilean leftists and sympathisers who had exercised their democratic right to vote for Allende were imprisoned and tortured in places like the National Stadium, or were executed, their corpses seen floating in the Mapocho River in downtown Santiago, one Australian continued to stay in the country, an ASIS agent, despite the ASIS station in the Chilean capital officially closing in July that year. 

BREAKING WITH PINOCHET’S LEGACY

In December 2021, 35-year-old former law student and activist Gabriel Boric won the Chilean national elections, to the jubilation of the mass of the Chilean public. Not since Allende has Chile seen a leftist president elected, nor such a massive grassroots movement as carried him successfully to La Moneda. The contrast between the two candidates could not have been greater: Boric faced the ultra-right politician José Antonio Kast, who openly campaigned as a student leader in favour of Pinochet during the 1988 plebiscite, and whose brother, Miguel Kast, served as the dictator’s central bank president. Were the Kast name to have needed any further link to fascism than to Pinochet himself, during the election it came to light that the presidential candidate’s father, Michael Kast, had voluntarily become a member of Adolf Hitler’s Nazi party in 1942. 

Through Kast, these symbolic reminders of Chile’s dark past were important, and highlighted what was fundamentally at stake in the 2021 presidential election: a break with the Pinochet dictatorship’s legacy. During the election, Boric repeatedly stated that the judicial processes against human rights violators from the military dictatorship would be sped up, as Pinochet’s victims have complained of constant delays in the courts in carrying out prosecutions and convictions. By the end of the Pinochet dictatorship, in 1990, according to the country’s Commission of Truth and Reconciliation, some 40,018 Chileans had been tortured and 2279 executed, although many have argued that many more cases could be added to these figures. 

In a similar manner, many voices within Chile have been making strong calls for the country’s police force, Carabineros de Chile, to be replaced, given its long record of human rights abuses under the dictatorship, and well into the era of parliamentary democracy. Were there any doubts about its record of brutality, during Chile’s social uprising between October 2019 and March 2020—the largest demonstrations the country has seen since the days of the dictatorship—the right-wing government of Sebastián Piñera used the full force of Chile’s police to suppress dissent, even deploying the military onto the streets after declaring martial law. According to Chile’s National Institute of Human Rights (INDH), by late November 2019, 2391 people had been injured, 964 of them because they had been fired upon with rubber bullets. By that stage INDH had taken 384 cases to the courts, including 273 for torture and cruel treatment, and 66 for sexual violence.  

In March 2021, Amnesty International noted that during the protests there had ‘been more than 8000 victims of state violence and more than 400 cases of eye trauma’. With dozens of protestors dead, over 1.2 million people took to the streets of Santiago in one demonstration alone, protesting social inequality, seeking abolition of the 1980 military constitution, and demanding Piñera’s resignation. The previous year, in an agreement between political parties, one of the key demands of the protestors had been met, with Chileans able to participate in a plebiscite on whether to change their constitution. With those in favour of abandoning the military constitution winning, a Constitutional Convention was created, with 155 representatives elected to draft a new constitution. Although the final document will have to be presented to voters, the political Right performed poorly in the number of its representatives elected to the Convention.

All of these developments shatter the myth that was long promoted by neoliberal establishment outlets like The Economist that Chile was an economic miracle, if built on foundations of state terrorism. While students protesting a hike in fares in Santiago’s metro system triggered the recent social uprising, Chile had witnessed massive student demonstrations and strikes at both secondary and tertiary level from 2006 onwards. Boric himself was a key leader in the protests from 2011 to 2013, known as the ‘Chilean Winter’. Then, university students like Boric and Communist Party leader Camila Vallejo brought the country to a standstill protesting the exorbitant debts students typically incurred on finishing their education.

Fast forward to the uprising of 2019. Boric by then was a progressive member of parliament, and student grievances against the metro fare hike connected with broader discontent about the way vast sectors of Chile’s economy had been privatised under the dictatorship. With an excellent private health system for those who could afford it, approximately ‘10,000 persons died in the first half of 2018 while waiting for an operation or treatment in the public system’, noted US scholar J. Patrice McSherry, adding that ‘Chile’s income inequality gap is more than 65 percent wider than the OECD average, and it has one of the highest ratios between the average income of the wealthiest and poorest 10 percent of the population’. Combine these factors with Chileans’ grievances over the privatisation of water, freeways, the minerals industry, and pension schemes, which see vast numbers of people retire on pittances, it should be no surprise that they voted in a former student leader who, only a few years ago, was himself protesting and facing the Carabineros’ tear gas.

AUSTRALIA: THE CHICKENS COME HOME TO ROOST

As right-wing billionaire President Piñera, surrounded by military officers, declared ‘We are at war’, and unleashed the miliary onto the streets in October 2019, hundreds of people in the Chilean diaspora converged on Sydney Town Hall to protest against the Piñera government’s serious human rights violations. In a similar manner, when they became informed about the Australian government’s sending Australian agents to help destabilise Allende in 1971, over seventy Australian citizens and residents of Chilean origin like myself sent an open letter to Foreign Minister Marise Payne denouncing Canberra’s actions. In November 2021 a second letter was sent to the minister, this time signed by 269 people. Noting that many had themselves been ‘illegally detained and tortured by state security forces of the military junta’, the letter noted:

Our loved ones were subjected to State terrorism from 11 September 1973 through to March 1990, and Australia recognised many of us as political refugees or beneficiaries of its humanitarian programme. We feel deceived as we learn that ASIS agents cooperated with the CIA to carry out the violent coup d’état which brought Pinochet to power, resulting in the violation of our human rights, prior to being offered refuge in Australia.

Arguing they are entitled to an ‘an unreserved apology from the Government of Australia’, because it ‘interfered in a sovereign nation in a clear breach of international law’, signatories to the letter also called for the full declassification of documents relating to ASIS and ASIO activities in Chile. Replying to the original letter, DFAT stated that, as ‘this matter is the subject of ongoing legal proceedings, it would not be appropriate to provide any comment’. By the time Pinochet’s victims sent their second letter, a Sydney court had refused Fernandes’ request to declassify more ASIS files on Chile, on the basis that the Australian Archives Act allows the government to keep certain documents classified ‘to preserve…[its] capabilities to keep secrets as necessary’.

Chilean activists such as radio journalist Pilar Aguilera of the National Campaign for Truth and Justice in Chile-Australia, who had written to DFAT seeking further declassification of documents, also campaigned to have the Pinochet agent Adriana Rivas arrested and extradited to Chile. Although Rivas had been wanted by Interpol ever since fleeing Chile in 2011, and was living in Bondi and working as a nanny, Australian authorities did not arrest her until February 2019. As a result of the campaign by Chilean-Australian activists, in June 2014 shadow attorney-general Mark Dreyfus, QC, presented a petition to parliament signed by over 600 concerned Chilean and Australian citizens regarding the Rivas case. That campaign, with media attention and resubmission of an extradition request by Chilean authorities, contributed to Rivas’ arrest. She is currently detained in Silverwater Women’s Correctional Centre. Having lost her latest appeal in the Federal Court to dismiss her extradition, Rivas’ chances of avoiding having to answer for her crimes in Chile, which include allegedly murdering a heavily pregnant woman, appear to be narrowing.     

In the last months of 2021, when it became clear that the political Left in Chile was making a major comeback in the presidential election, the Chilean diaspora in Australia could be seen mobilising in various Australian cities. When the final tally for the presidential election came in for Chileans in Australia, 2009 votes were for Boric, in contrast with 574 for Kast. 

On the day of the election, Boric’s campaign team loudly complained to the Piñera government that public transport was unavailable throughout the popular sectors of Santiago, where the vote would predominantly be for Boric. Once his victory was official, the Chilean stock market plunged by 10 per cent. While Boric’s light social-democratic policies cannot be compared with Allende’s ‘Chilean Road to Socialism’, the president-elect has promised to dismantle important sections of the neoliberal model.

If Boric follows through on his electoral promises, we can expect a strong reaction from Chilean elites and their US allies. There, the lessons of the UP administration might warrant study once again. In Australia Chilean activists and researchers will continue to press to declassify the archive, which would reveal the extent of Canberra’s intelligence activities in helping to overthrow a democratically elected government at the behest of Washington.

Posted on April 16, 2024 .

As Honduras’s New President Seeks End to Narco-State, Will US Stand in Her Way?

By Rodrigo Acuña & Nicholas Ford

TRUTHOUT

22 February 2022

The January inauguration of Xiomara Castro Sarmiento Zelaya from the Liberty and Refoundation Party was a political landmark in Honduras. Castro become the Central American country’s first female president, winning 51.12 percent of the vote, compared to her closest rival Nasry Asfura who garnered 36.93 of votes in November’s election. She has promised to convene a National Constituent Assembly to rewrite the constitution.

“For us to have the first female president in Honduras means 67 years of struggle (since it was in 1952) that us women fought for the right to be citizens — for the right to vote and the right to be voted for,” Wendy Cruz, member of the international peasant movement La Vía Campesina, told Truthout.

Castro campaigned on an agenda that will strongly empower lower-income Honduran women, who have been one of the hardest-hit sectors in a country ruled through aggressive neoliberal policies for the last 12 years. Castro’s task of governing will be particularly hard given the high levels of corruption and ties to the drug trade that have been linked to Honduras’s former president, Juan Orlando Hernández.

The forces that have been ruling from Tegucigalpa in recent years have not reacted well to losing power. One week before Castro’s inauguration, a fist fight broke out in Honduras National Congress as a faction of rebel lawmakers from Castro’s leftist Liberty and Refoundation Party (also commonly known as the Libre Party) proposed Jorge Cálix as head of Congress in opposition to Castro’s nominee. The problem with Cálix, according to Castro’s supporters, was that he represents the continued power and immunity of President Hernández, who critics have accused of running a narco-state.

There is much evidence to support these allegations. For example, in 2018, Tony Hernández, a former Honduran congressman and former President Hernández’s brother, was arrested in Miami, and last year was sentenced to life in prison in the United States for trafficking “multi-ton loads of cocaine” into the country. In that case, former President Hernández and former President Porfirio “Pepe” Lobo Sosa were named as co-conspirators, with the prosecutors accusing Hernández of using the Honduran military and police to transport and guard cocaine shipments.

The alleged criminality of both former presidents extends to other actors in Honduras. In Tony Hernández’s case, one of the most important witness testimonies was that of Alexander Ardón, a former mayor of El Paraíso, Honduras, and the supposed head of the AA Brothers Cartel. Currently in prison in the U.S. for drug trafficking, Ardón admitted to having been involved in the murder of 56 people, as well as torture, money laundering and arms trafficking. He also confessed to trafficking between 30 and 40 tons of cocaine with Tony Hernández from 2010 until the former congressman’s arrest in Miami in November 2018.

Were this evidence not damning enough, Ardón also testified that he was at a meeting with Tony Hernández and Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán, the head of the infamous Sinaloa Cartel. According to Ardón, El Chapo gave Tony Hernández $1 million in cash to be given to his brother for his upcoming presidential campaign in 2013, which he won against Xiomara Castro by a narrow margin. In return, Tony promised that the future president of Honduras would protect the Sinaloa Cartel’s drug trafficking routes.

Despite Juan Orlando Hernández’s flagrant connections to the drug trade, his support from U.S. presidents never wavered during his tenure in office. That support finally ended last week, when Honduran officials arrested Hernández after the U.S. issued an extradition request. According to CBS News, “U.S. officials confirmed the extradition request,” however, they did not “give any information on the nature of the accusations against Hernández.”

“Honduran politicians have long known that Washington will grant them immunity from prosecution (with some notable exceptions, including the former president’s corrupt brother). This culture has led to a Honduran [political] class [that hasn’t] cared about the fate of their people,” independent Australian journalist Antony Loewenstein, who has reported on Honduras in his recent book, Pills, Powder and Smoke: Inside the Bloody War on Drugs, told Truthout. “It usually doesn’t matter whether a Democrat or Republican occupies the White House, except perhaps the latter is more honest about his country’s real intentions towards Honduras: bribe [officials] with huge amounts of cash in the hope that they’ll do U.S. bidding.”

Castro’s task of governing will be particularly hard given the high levels of corruption and ties to the drug trade that have been linked to Honduras’s former president, Juan Orlando Hernández.

Noting that Honduras is a key transit point for drug trafficking in Central America, Loewenstein said that the country has “long been a U.S. client state” and that “this only worsened after the 2009 coup.”

During that year, when President Jose Manuel Zelaya, Xiomara Castro’s husband, was ousted by a U.S.-backed coup, most of the world, including the United Nations and the European Union (EU), regarded his overthrow as illegal and unconstitutional. With the EU and most countries in the region withdrawing their ambassadors, the Obama administration stood almost alone in keeping its official representatives in Tegucigalpa. While publicly the White House stood firm that a military takeover had not occurred, according to a leaked WikiLeaks memo, a U.S. embassy cable stated: “[T]here is no doubt that the military, supreme court and national congress conspired on June 28 in what constituted an illegal and unconstitutional coup.”

Following the coup, the UN General Assembly passed a resolution calling for Zelaya to be reinstated as president and to finish his presidential term. Instead, Hillary Clinton, U.S. secretary of state at the time, pushed the Honduran dictatorship to call for an election. As she later revealed in the first edition of her autobiography, “we strategized on a plan to restore order in Honduras and ensure that free and fair elections could be held quickly and legitimately, which would render the question of Zelaya moot.” This startling admission from Clinton would later be redacted from the paperback edition of her book.

Zelaya’s biggest crime in office, of course, was that he refused to be a subservient Honduran president to the interest of local big business and the United States. For starters, Zelaya increased the minimum wage by 60 percent and placed stricter regulations on the mining sectors, which included a ban on open-pit mining — moves that were certainly noticed by U.S. corporations. Speaking to the Harvard Political Review, Rodolfo Pastor, the minister of culture under President Zelaya, noted: “American mining companies complained they were not being treated as they wanted.”

Further angering the U.S., Zelaya exercised sovereignty and entered Honduras into the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA), an intergovernmental trade and political group founded by late leaders Hugo Chávez and Fidel Castro. Zelaya joined the organization in 2008 despite earlier warnings from the north. In an interview with The Grayzone, Zelaya said that John Negroponte, deputy secretary of state under George W. Bush, told him that “if you sign the ALBA, you are going to have problems with the U.S.” Less than a year after joining, Zelaya was overthrown in a coup, and a few months after that, Honduras’s new leaders withdrew the country from the ALBA.

Years later, when questioned on Honduras, Clinton defended the Obama administration’s position in not declaring that a coup had taken place against Zelaya, although she did concede that the new regime “undercut their argument by spiriting him out of the country in his pajamas where they sent, you know, the military to, you know, take him out of his bed and get him out of the country.”

The above history is important to recall because, once Zelaya was unconstitutionally removed from office, it was large sectors of Honduran women who fought against Washington’s men in Tegucigalpa. Writing recently in NACLA, Suyapa Portillo Villeda, an associate professor at Pitzer College who specializes in Honduran politics, noted, “The resistance to the 2009 coup was led by women, who filled the ranks of most social movements. Women have stood on the frontlines to defend ancestral lands and rivers, their rights as educators and healthcare workers, the right to live free of violence, and the right to make choices about their bodies and identities.”

Despite Juan Orlando Hernández’s flagrant connections to the drug trade, his support from U.S. presidents never wavered during his tenure in office. That support finally ended last week, when Honduran officials arrested Hernández after the U.S. issued an extradition request.

Alongside these women, Castro repeatedly joined thousands of Hondurans on the streets calling for her husband’s return. With the movement becoming known as the National Front of Popular Resistance (FNRP), it eventually formed the basis for the Libre Party and helped Castro campaign for the presidency in 2013 and 2017. Winning the presidency after her third attempt last year, Castro during her campaign called for family planning, access to contraception such as the “morning after pill” and promised to decriminalize abortion in cases of rape. According to Portillo Villeda, Castro also committed herself to the “recognition of women’s work, support for domestic violence shelters for survivors, and the creation of centers for the reinsertion of deported women into society.”

Organizers like Wendy Cruz believe the path to ending the narco-state will be very difficult. In her view, the crisis of the national congress was “due to the bribing of 18 congresspersons of the leftist Liberty and Refoundation party creating a crisis of governability in the national congress and one of legitimacy.” Eventually, Castro, who had expelled the rebel deputies from her party, reinstated them as it was agreed that the head of Congress would be Luis Redondo from the Savior Party, whom Castro and her supporters backed. With the crisis resolved by February 8, Cruz said the country’s elites had already begun to destabilize Castro’s government as it “will be in the eye of the hurricane by the country’s most powerful groups” — in summary, those who have ruled Honduras in recent years with U.S. backing will most likely continue to try and destabilize Castro’s government.

Gilberto Ríos Grillo, a national leader of the Castro’s Libre Party, told Truthout that any political and/or economic crisis in Honduras cannot really be separated from Honduras’s historical ties to the United States. In his view, due to the reactionary vision of the previous leaders during the last 12 years, Hondurans have been left with an “almost failed state penetrated by drug trafficking, organized crime and of course backed by the United States.”

Ríos Grillo believes that external bodies like the United Nations could play a role in tackling corruption or drug trafficking and would be supported by President Castro. However, such moves “would affect the interests of the National Party and Liberal Party” (Honduras’s main political parties) because “they have predominantly been linked to the issues of drug trafficking, organized crime and the groups which plundered public works during the 12 years and seven months of a dictatorship which we have managed to overcome during November’s election.” According to Loewenstein, President Castro “offers a possibility of change, but only if she negotiates a real shift in the relationship with her country’s imperial master.”

As Latin American leaders flew into Tegucigalpa for Castro’s inauguration, and her victory was loudly welcomed by the region’s leftist governments in Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua and Bolivia, U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris also arrived in Honduras’s capital. While Harris eventually met with Castro and said she was “impressed with the passion with which [Castro] talked about her priority on addressing and combating corruption,” Harris’s comments should be viewed with skepticism given Washington’s close ties to former President Hernández. Only this month, in fact, has the State Department publicly conceded that the Biden administration placed Hernández on a classified list of officials suspected of corruption and undermining democracy.

For now, it appears Castro has survived her first crisis; however, others are likely to surface, given she plans to move forward with her proposal to revoke numerous laws which grant impunity to officials and legislators established during the Hernández administration. Similarly, Castro will have to negotiate with the National Party in order to elect a new Supreme Court chief justice and a new attorney general. At some point, Castro, like Zelaya, may even question how the United States uses its military presence within the country, or with whom Honduras can form trade and political alliances. Given these enormous constraints, every day Castro is in office should be viewed as a triumph for average Hondurans and their fragile democracy.

Posted on April 16, 2024 .

Doña Lucía Hiriart: First Lady of the Pinochet Dictatorship

By Rodrigo Acuña

28 January 2022

NACLA

On December 16, María Lucía Hiriart Rodríguez passed away at Santiago's Military Hospital due to heart failure where she had been a regular visitor for the past few months. Also known as Lucía Hiriart de Pinochet, Lucía was the wife of Augusto Pinochet Ugarte, the brutal Washington-backed dictator who ruled Chile from 1973 to 1990. Since Pinochet’s death in 2006, Hiriart had rarely been seen in public.

“At the age of 99 and surrounded by family and loved ones, my beloved grandmother passed away,” wrote her granddaughter Karina Pinochet on Twitter. Many wondered whether the right-wing administration of President Sebastian Piñera would give the former first lady an official state memorial, but Hiriart’s funeral was held in private. Meanwhile thousands of Chileans took to Santiago’s Plaza Italia to celebrate the death of “la vieja” (the old woman), as she was called by her opponents.

While outside the country little attention was given to the passing of the general’s wife, she played an important role in Chilean politics, specifically in influencing her husband to support the September 11, 1973 military coup against the country’s socialist president Dr. Salvador Allende Gossens.

Hiriart was born on December 10, 1923 into a wealthy family in the north of Chile in the city of Antofagasta. Her father, Osvaldo Hiriart Corvalán was a lawyer, a former senator for the Radical Party and the ex-Interior Minister for president Juan Antonio Ríos. Hiriart’s family looked down upon Augusto Pinochet who she married in 1943 and who, as a then Chilean army Infantry School lieutenant, they considered beneath her class.

While Pinochet and Hiriart would eventually have five children together and become the most powerful couple in Chile, Hiriart initially struggled in the marriage. During one period, she suffered from depression due to the hardships of motherhood and the fact her husband’s income did not meet her perceived material needs. According to Chilean journalist Alejandra Matus in her book Doña Lucía: La biografía no autorizada, Hiriart’s home was derelict as it “was always dirty and in the bathtub of the bathroom the unwashed, soaked cloth diapers accumulated, flooding the house with a nauseating smell to which Lucía had become immune.”

When Pinochet was sent on a military mission to Quito, Ecuador in the mid 1950s, Hiriart was further hurt when she discovered that her husband was having an affair with the Ecuadorian pianist Piedad Noé.

Pinochet’s promotion to General Commander of the Santiago Army Garrison in January 1971 changed Hiriart’s fortunes. She had long pushed her husband to rub shoulders with the upper echelons of the military—often breaking military protocol—while being careful to hide his own reactionary stripes. When Hiriart’s husband was again promoted to commander-in-chief of the army on August 23, 1973 by president Allende, most accounts report Pinochet debating whether to join the coup the following month.

According to Pinochet’s own memoir, “One evening, my wife took me to the bedroom where our grandchildren were sleeping.” There, Pinochet said, Hiriart turned to him and stated: “They will be slaves because you haven’t been able to make a decision.” In 2003, according to Matus, Hiriart herself confirmed Pinochet’s anecdote.

By 1974, the coup against the Popular Unity government had succeeded, and fascism was firmly in place. For her duties as first lady and head of the charity Centro de Madres Chile (Center of Chilean Mothers, or CEMA), Hiriart organized an entire floor in the Diego Portales building where Pinochet then ruled. There, according to Matus, Hiriart had a staff of close to one hundred women, mostly volunteers, which included a press secretary, a hair stylist, a makeup artist, and a photographer. She also had a vast wardrobe of dresses, and she was known to wear several each day to different functions.

While Hiriart's public role was one of social functions and charitable acts, she was informed, and likely connected in the dictatorship's dirtier acts. Pinochet and Hiriart were interviewed together by journalist Malú Sierra for the magazine Paula in 1974. Sierra asked the couple light questions like, “What do you think may be the secret to happiness?” Sierra was then kidnapped by the Dirección de Inteligencia Nacional (Directorate of National Intelligence, DINA) and taken to the torture centre Villa Grimaldi where the journalist claims she was interrogated over the interview. By the end of the military regime in 1990, according to the Commission of Truth and Reconciliation (Rettig Report), some 40,018 Chileans had been tortured and 2,279 executed.

Hiriart is also said to have developed a friendship with Manuel Contreras who headed the DINA and would inform her of imagined or real threats. When the wives and relatives of people who were arrested or kidnapped wrote to CEMA asking for any information of their whereabouts, Lucía simply repeated explanations that Contreras provided.

Hiriart also obtained information—either from Contreras or others in the intelligence community—concerning which members of the regime were disloyal to their wives. Since she was unable to curtail Pinochet’s infidelities, other members of the regime were said to have been demoted or dismissed for theirs. Only Contreras was given a pass when he left his wife for his secretary. After the DINA assassinated Allende’s former Minister of Foreign Affairs Orlando Letelier in Washington, D.C. in 1976, Pinochet dismissed Contreras due to pressure from the United States. Displeased with Contreras’ dismissal, Hiriart left Pinochet for several weeks, the largest crisis in their marriage since his affair in Ecuador.

Throughout the remaining years of the dictatorship, Hiriart continued to head the CEMA, promoting her version of conservative Catholic values. These were in sharp contrast to those of the feminist movements that had surfaced prior to 1973 and have resurfaced even more strongly in recent years. Merging her views on politics and gender, Hiriart argued that a woman’s place was in the home and that mothers had the responsibility to provide a firm hand over their children who should grow up within the order established by the military regime.

In 2005, fifteen years after Hiriart’s husband stepped down from power, over $21 million were found in 125 accounts at Riggs Bank in Washington under a variety of aliases used by her children. That same year she was sued by Chile’s Internal Tax Service for tax evasion over $2.5 million and was arrested with her son Marco Antonio. In 2007, along with all of Pinochet’s children and 17 other people that included two generals, one of Pinochet’s ex-lawyers, and his secretary, Hiriart was arrested in relation to the Riggs case on the charges of embezzlement and use of fake passports. In October of that same year, the court of appeals ruled in favor of the general's widow and 14 other defendants while in November the Supreme Court ratified the sentence.

According to Middlesex University lecturer Francisco Dominguez, an expert on Leftist governments and Right-wing reactions in Latin America, “The Concertacion's shameful cowardice prevented Chileans from prosecuting Pinochet and indict the whole junta, and led them to turn the blind eye on the Pinochet's family, including Lucia's proven and colossal levels of corruption," he wrote in an email.

When Hiriart’s charity terminated its operations in 2019, it handed over 108 properties worth 7.6 billion pesos to the state. By this stage, a disgruntled Lucía only had three full-time staff to attend to her personal needs because the military could no longer justify her previous entourage of sixty staff members.

Commenting on Hiriart’s life in his 2002 book Wives of the Dictators, the Argentine journalist Juan Gasparini considered Hiriart narcissistic, fickle, and relatively uncultured for her position as first lady. In his view, the human rights violations committed by the Pinochet dictatorship were by no means softened with Hiriart’s presence within the regime.

After a church service on September 11, 2012, Hiriart was surrounded by angry protesters that called for her death and had to be escorted by police to safety. Since then, Hiriart rarely left her place of residency.

Recently, on December 20, Leftist candidate Gabriel Boric won the Chilean presidency by a 12 percent margin, after running on the promise of dismantling Pinochet’s neoliberal economic legacy. Just a few days before he won, Boric commented on Hiriart’s death, tweeting, “Lucía Hiriart dies in impunity despite the deep pain and division she caused our country. My respects to the victims of the dictatorship of which she was a part. I do not celebrate impunity or death, we work for justice and a dignified life, without falling into provocations or violence.”

Lucía Hiriart’s survivors include her children Marco Antonio, Inés, Augusto, María Verónica and Jacqueline Marie, along with several grandchildren.

Posted on April 16, 2024 .

Australia’s Intelligence Organizations Helped Overthrow the Allende Government in 1973

By Rodrigo Acuña

North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA)

6 October 2021

On June 2, the Australian government conceded for the first time that the Australian Secret Intelligence Service (ASIS) supported CIA covert operations in Chile in the early 1970s. These operations created the climate for a coup against the democratically elected socialist president Salvador Allende and his Popular Unity government. The National Security Archive (NSA) recently published some of the ASIS’ station reports in Santiago, and the story has drawn attention in the Australian media.

Posted on October 7, 2021 and filed under NACLA.

In Colombia, Hundreds of Ex-Rebels Have Been Murdered Despite Peace Agreement

By Rodrigo Acuña

Truthout

2 May 2021

So far this year alone, Colombia has seen 33 massacres of social leaders, trade union organizers and ex-guerrilla fighters belonging to the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). At least 119 people have been murdered by paramilitary groups, state security forces or unidentified assassins as of April 27, according to the Instituto de Estudio para el Desarrollo y la Paz, or Institute of Study for Development and Peace. According to Colombia’s Ombudsman’s Office, in the first three months of 2021, more than 27,000 Colombians were forcibly displaced due to violence by groups fighting for territorial control and control of the drug trade — an increase of 177 percent compared to last year.

Posted on May 11, 2021 and filed under Truthout.

Inventing Reality: Venezuela’s Parliamentary Election

By Rodrigo Acuña

Alborada: Latin America Uncovered

31 January 2021

Last month on 6 December, the multiparty coalition supporting Venezuela’s president Nicolás Maduro won 69 per cent of ballots cast in elections for the National Assembly. While over 100 parties took part in the contest, the majority of the opposition boycotted the vote – indeed, voter turnout was low, at 31 per cent.

Opposition moderates still accepted the election’s outcome and harshly critiqued those that called for a boycott. Speaking on the opposition network Globovisión, Bernabé Gutiérrez, general secretary for one of Venezuela’s oldest political parties, Acción Democrática, and new member for the National Assembly, said that ‘this opposition, represented in the new parliament, will not continue the ruckus of a parallel National Assembly, although I see and have heard that there are those that will pretend to legislate and direct the country from overseas.’ He added that what was missing from Juan Guaidó’s team was a ‘Minster of Defense’ – a mocking reference to that fact that, despite being recognised by the United States and its allies as the country’s legitimate head of state, Guaidó did not control Venezuela’s armed forces.

Posted on May 11, 2021 and filed under Alborada.

Pinochet-era Intelligence Agent Faces Extradition from Australia

By Rodrigo Acuña

North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA)

10 July 2020

Adriana Rivas arrived in Australia in 1978 from her native Chile and worked as a nanny. She lived a good life in affluent Bondi Beach, Sydney, in public housing provided by the Australian government. Rivas, now 67, was active in soccer and church activities in the Chilean community, one of Australia’s largest Latin American diasporas.

Her comfortable life took a turn in 2013, when Rivas decided to talk to journalist Florencia Melgar of the Australian broadcasters SBS. Melgar was researching the collaboration of two Australian intelligence (ASIO) officers with the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). The ASIO officers were posted to Chile in 1973, when General Augusto Pinochet overthrew the socialist government of Salvador Allende, with the support of the CIA.

Posted on September 16, 2020 and filed under NACLA.

Trump’s Ex-Security Company and Their Botched Plot to Overthrow the President of Venezuela

By Rodrigo Acuña

American Herald Tribune

12 May 2020

Reports coming out of Venezuela and Miami, Florida in the United States are bordering on the hilarious. If you thought you had seen it all with Venezuela’s hard right-wing opposition and their allies in the U.S. with their actions to overthrow the socialist government of Nicolas Maduro, well, think again. In recent days, images of two captured North American mercenaries have been flooding the air waves in the South American country of Venezuela where Maduro remains the president, despite harsh U.S. economic sanctions.

Posted on May 14, 2020 and filed under American Herald Tribune.

Chileans Face State Repression as They Continue Revolt Against Neoliberalism

By Rodrigo Acuña

Truthout

13 November 2019

Serious state repression has returned to Chile. The military, who were patrolling the streets of the country until recently since October 19, when President Sebastián Piñera declared a state of emergency, have been filmed shooting at unarmed protesters in large crowds or at close range. Additionally, the Carabineros de Chile (Chile’s police force) are raiding the homes of student leaders, detaining them, beating them and holding them for hours or even days without access to lawyers and family.

Posted on November 17, 2019 and filed under Truthout.

Ecuador: Rebellion against Lenin

By Rodrigo Acuña

American Herald Tribune

19 October 2019

With most of the world’s corporate media giving endless coverage to protestors in Hong Kong, a far more critical political crisis has just taken place in the South American country of Ecuador. Although the government of Lenin Moreno continues to be in power, it has only just survived after a series of major protests led by the country’s indigenous communities, transport unions and student groups.

Posted on October 20, 2019 and filed under American Herald Tribune.

Colombia: the FARC returns to war?

By Rodrigo Acuña

Latin America Bureau

20 September 2019

The recent announcement by Iván Márquez – the second highest commander of the original Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) – that sections of South America’s largest demobilised guerrilla movement are returning to war, should come as little surprise to some observers of Latin America. In a recent video, Márquez, whose real name is Luciano Marín, said that the Colombian State has failed to implement its promised land reform for peasants as established in the 2016 Peace accords.

From the rebel’s perspective, the Attorney General, ultra right-wing members of Congress, former president Álvaro Uribe Vélez and current president Iván Duque Márquez are to blame for the failure of the peace agreement. The Embassy of the United States in Bogota was also mentioned.

Posted on October 1, 2019 and filed under Latin America Bureau.

Chile: Killing of Mapuche activist provokes large protests

By Rodrigo Acuña

Latin America Bureau

27 November 2018

The recent death of the 24-year-old Mapuche activist and leader Camilo Catrillanca has sparked widespread condemnation and protests throughout Chile.

On Wednesday November 14, a newly created special ‘anti-terrorist’ unit of Carabineros, the Chilean police, known as Comando Jungla entered the Mapuche traditional community of Temukuikui near the town of Ercilla in the Araucanía region, approximately 370 miles south of Santiago. Claiming to be in pursuit of local car thieves, the operation involved hundreds of police offices with two helicopters.

Posted on May 26, 2019 and filed under Latin America Bureau.

Venezuela: Regime Change in Real Time

By Rodrigo Acuña

American Herald Tribune

20 July 2017

Images of the Bolivarian National Police (PNB) firing tear gas at protestors in Venezuela cannot be provided to us in large enough quantities by the mainstream media. Look through the pages of the Wall Street Journal, the New York Times or even the UK’s liberal Guardian and the government of president Nicolas Maduro is a dictatorship in all but name. As of the time of writing this article, with 103 people dead, television and print images of opposition protestors being tear gassed by police are what count and not any actual context of the violence taking place, or who, for that matter, is predominantly perpetrating it.

Posted on May 26, 2019 and filed under American Herald Tribune.

Fidel Castro, the Cuban revolution and its lessons for Latin America

By Rodrigo Acuña

Progress in Political Economy (PPE))

Blog of the Department of Political Economy at the University of Sydney

20 December 2016.

Cuba’s nine days of national mourning for former leader and founder of the Cuban revolution Fidel Castro Ruz recently ended. Expectedly, cheers upon the news of Castro’s death at age 90 were heard around the world. In Miami, Florida the old guard of right-wing Cubans, many of whose parents worked for the Washington backed dictator Fulgencio Batista whom Castro overthrew in 1959, took to the streets.

Posted on May 26, 2019 and filed under PPE.

Strength in Unity

By Rodrigo Acuña

ALBORADA

14 June 2015

In early December 2014, when the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) established its headquarters in the city of Mitad del Mundo in Ecuador, the Obama administration remained largely silent. At the International Monetary Fund (IMF) though a different position was taken as its director Christine Lagarde said that the integration processes taking place in Latin America resembled a ‘spaghetti bowl’ and needed to be rejuvenated.

Posted on May 26, 2019 and filed under Alborada.

VII Summit Of The Americas: The New York Times Versus Reality

By Rodrigo Acuña

New Matilda

23 April 2015

Given the roasting the United States recently received by numerous Latin American presidents at the VII Summit of the Americas in Panama, it may have been no coincidence Uruguayan author Eduardo Galeano passed away shortly after.

In his acclaimed book the Open Veins of Latin America (1971), which was banned by several US-backed dictatorships in South America during the 1970s and ‘80s, Galeano passionately denounced the history of Spanish and US imperialism south of the Rio Grande.

Posted on May 25, 2019 and filed under New Matilda.

Don’t write off Maduro: why Venezuela is not another Ukraine

By Rodrigo Acuña and Luis F. Angosto-Ferrandez

March 24, 2014

The Conversation

A wave of street protests, some violent, has been sweeping Venezuela. These attracted international media coverage, which often presented protests as the expression of a national crisis that anticipated the fall of president Nicolas Maduro and the collapse of his leftist Bolivarian project.

Several analysts rushed to draw parallels between Venezuela and Ukraine. They suggested the turbulent ousting of Víktor Yanukóvich in the latter foretold that Maduro’s days as head of state were numbered. This comparison was misguided.

So far, 34 people have died and more than 460 people have been wounded. These figures include bystanders and anti- and pro-government supporters.

Posted on May 23, 2019 and filed under The Conversation.

Venezuela: same old, same old...

By Rodrigo Acuña

25 February 2014

Latin America Bureau

The recent violence in Venezuela, which has left some 13 people dead, once again highlights how some sections of the political right in that country are unwilling to change their stripes. They have used force in the past and, as long as they continue to gain a sympathetic hearing in the mainstream media, violent protests can and will be used in order to project the image of an ungovernable country.

Posted on March 7, 2014 and filed under Latin America Bureau.